This
was originally published on Occupy.com.
An active debt resistance movement is seizing hold across the United States. Currently, the debt strikers number over 100 students who are refusing to pay back the student loans they borrowed to go to the now-defunct for-profit Corinthian Colleges. The move has attracted media attention and could potentially provide a platform for a larger student debt movement to expand from here. However, students of history take note: this isn't the first time there have been debt resistance movements in the United States. And the lessons we learn from prior movements can just as easily be applied to today’s situation.
Shays’
Rebellion
While
Shays’ Rebellion is something that many people don’t have much
knowledge of besides it being a rebellion of farmers against the
government, the issue of debt was very much centered around it.
The
rebellion came about due to post-Revolutionary War economics. After
the Revolutionary War ended, merchants sought to expand their profits
via trading with other areas, namely the Baltic states, the
Mediterranean, and France. The Baltic was unable as while New England
“generally sent surplus grains, fish, and lumber abroad,"[1] these commodities were already produced in the Baltic in large numbers and
the commodity that New England could offer, beef, usually spoiled
along its journey. The Mediterranean was blocked off due to Barbary
pirates attacking merchant ships and France was a no-go as they
weren’t able to get enough credit to be able to transport their
goods.
The
situation was made worse when American merchants attempted to trade
with the British controlled West Indies and the British “excluded
New England importers from the lucrative British West Indies market
and left the Americans with few means to repay English merchants for
the commodities they had purchased."[2] The West Indies situation is extremely important as immediately
following the Revolutionary War, “British tradesmen continued the
prewar practice of offering large cargoes to American merchants on
credit.” US merchants took out large loans from the British with
the assumption that that they would be able to take advantage of the
West Indies market and make enough money to pay off their debts that
way. When this proved impossible, the economic situation became
critical as the merchants were at major risk of defaulting on their
loans which could have severe economic repercussions not just with
regards to trade with the British, but also domestically.
In
order to continue with their business, the merchants pressed
shopkeepers to which they had loaned to for funds and in turn the
shopkeepers pressed the farmers to pay back their loans. Most farmers
were used to paying back their debts with crops rather than cash and
thus didn't have much cash on hand. This quickly landed many farmers
in court where their land was at stake or in debtors' prisons. While
the shopkeepers were desperate, such actions only heightened in
tensions between the urban middle-class merchants and the poor
farmers.
In
response to this, New England farmers began to organize and resist
their debt burdens. The first order of business was to push for
reform, via town meetings and county conventions, in favor of
state-issued paper money and tender laws, rather than the bullion
coins used in that day. This was rejected wholesale by the business
class and since many New England legislators were located in coastal
cities and needed the support of businesses, they too, rejected the
call for reform in 1785 and 1786.
While
the meetings were going on, the farmers also wrote petitions to their
respective state governments. For example, in Massachusetts, between
1784 and 1787, yeomen in seventy- three rural Massachusetts towns
sent petitions to the General Court of Boston and in New Hampshire,
from January 1784 to late September 1786, “yeomen in forty-one
towns forwarded complaints to the state assembly."[3]
The
tactics of the farmers began to take a turn in late 1786 as the
protests were doing virtually nothing to get the reforms the farmers
needed. During that time protesters armed themselves “and proposed
'moderating government' by planned attacks upon the court system.”
However, this rebellion didn't last long as in Massachusetts, the
governor called Congress to raise up forces and even though they were
only able to raise one thousand troops, the rebellion was quickly put
down.
Almost
150 years later, another debt resistance movement would take place,
also centering on farmers and the oppression they dealt with.
However, the tactics would change with the times as unions made by
and for the oppressed advocated for them.
The
Resistance to Sharecropping
Sharecropping
is something that, along with convict leasing, is rarely mentioned in
many history classes. The general myth is that after the Civil War
ended, slavery ended with the passing of the thirteenth amendment.
The reality is quite different as the oppression of African-Americans
didn't end, but rather
took the form of convict leasing
and also sharecropping. Sharecropping was essentially debt slavery and, as M.
Langley Biegert notes in the Journal
of Social History,
many blacks thought that sharecropping was “often little better
than the old system of slavery” and some even went so far as to
“[argue] that it was even more dehumanizing than slavery."[6]
In order to combat this system, sharecroppers- both black and white
alike- began to organize against their oppression.
In
July 1934 in Tyronza,
Arkansas, eighteen
sharecroppers and tenant farmers
“met in a local schoolhouse to discuss the idea of forming a union
for non-landowning farm workers,"[7]
as people were being evicted from farms due to the New Deal
incentives to cut back on farm production. In response to this, the
workers decided to stand up for themselves on a collective basis,
across racial boundaries, and formed the Southern Tenant Farmers
Union.
It
should be noted that something such as this was not an easy decision
to make as the risk of retaliation was quite real as can be seen in
the case of former slave Bryant Singfield. Singfield
“tried
to organize farm workers in Phillips County who were trying to
negotiate new labor contracts."[8]
He had been kicked off of the plantation he was had worked on as a
slave due to his outspokenness, after which he began to organize the
former slaves who had decided to stay on the plantation as contract
workers. He was quite successful and some people felt emboldened
enough to even go beyond the demand for collective bargaining. This
greatly angered the planter class and so they targeted Singfield,
who, along with other protesters, were rounded up by white planters
and never heard from again. However, the members of the Union made
their decision and quickly began agitating for workers. One of their
notable early actions was the Missouri Sharecropper Demonstration in
1939, where the Union advocated on behalf of sharecroppers.
Many
sharecroppers and tenant farmers who worked in Missouri worked in the
Bootheel
region which was prime real estate for cotton farming. However, in
1939,
“the
U. S. Army Corps of Engineers announced it would deliberately breach
the levee that protected the richest cotton land in the Missouri
Bootheel in order to relieve pressure on the levees guarding the city
of Cairo, Illinois."[9] This aided in the acceleration of getting rid of sharecroppers and
tenants and switching instead to day laborers and increased
mechanization. While the New Deal did set up the Agricultural
Adjustment Administration, which was to give checks to sharecroppers
and tenant farmers, the checks were given to the planters who would
keep money and evict the workers. This was made all the easier by the
fact that the final arbitrator of any disputes between planters and
workers was settled by the county committees which consistently sided
with the planters.
In
response to this, members of the Union engaged
in wildcat cotton-picking strikes
in the autumn of 1938. This in and of itself didn't do much, however,
it was a serious form of debt resistance as if the sharecroppers
didn't work, they were unable to pay on the debts that they owed. By
refusing to work, the sharecroppers were effectively engaging in an
act of debt resistance.
The
Union became more involved upon receiving calls of aid from members.
To this end, the Union ultimately helped to organize a roadside
demonstration where they demanded a living situation akin to those
living on land from the Farm Security Administration which “was
compelling because it preserved the social worlds of small farmers on
independent homesteads, an aim that continued to resonate with
landless people despite the dramatic economic changes that made such
an outcome less and less possible."[10]
Overall, many of the protesters just wanted their own farms. This
would allow for them to work independently rather than having to
endure the suffering of sharecropping.
Lessons
Learned
So,
why does any of that matter? What are the lessons that we can take
from these movements and apply to today?
With
regards to Shays' rebellion, we can apply two things: (1) have a
clear, coherent message and stick to it and (2) escalate the
situation over time. With regards to a clear message, the best thing
that student debt activists can do it to all get on the exact same
page so that there is one message that is repeated again and again.
This will only help as it serves as a guiding light, a goal that is
to be achieved.
In
escalating the situation, there is obviously not be a call for
violence as that is completely unneeded for this movement and so when
it comes to turning up the heat, it just means that the activists
should, over time, up the ante, doing things such as blocking roads
and disrupting traffic as can be seen in the Black Lives Matter
movement. It should also be noted that the farmers engaged in a
diversity of tactics, doing some simultaneously, and that that should
also be on the table. One should not stop protesting or slow down
protesting when negotiations begin, but rather work to increase the
volume of the collective voice.
The
sharecropping protest should keep us reminded that while having
leaders can be a good thing, they can also be targeted by the
establishment whether in terms of disappearance as is what happened
to Singfield, or co-optation. This can also been seen as an argument
for horizontal organizing, especially when one takes into account the
wildcat strike that took place. A second lesson we can learn is that
activists should have each others backs and that when one group is
crying out for help, we respond quickly and swiftly. Finally,
individual activists should also be able to keep their autonomy and
engage in actions that they see fit and can work within the context
of their situation.
These
lessons may be able to help the student debt movement as it would
allow for people and groups to have their own autonomy to develop new
protest tactics all while staying on message and to, no matter what,
speak with one voice. Horizontal organizing, as seems is quickly
becoming the norm for modern protests, also aids in the movement as
there are no leaders to attempt to corrupt and it makes sowing
dissent and discord all the more difficult. If we are to win this
fight, we will have to use every tool available to us, so let's get
started!
Endnotes
1: David Szatmary, Shays' Rebellion: The Making of an Agrarian
Insurrection (Amherst, Massachusetts: University of
Massachusetts Press, 1984) pg 20
2: Szatmary, pg 19
3: Szatmary, pg 38
4: Devon Douglas-Bowers, Slavery By A Different Name: The Convict
Lease System, The Hampton Institute,
http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/convictleasesystem.html#.VTGqoZPsYZx
(October 30, 2013)
5: Devon Douglas-Bowers, Debt Slavery: The Forgotten History of
Sharecropping, The Hampton Institute,
http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/sharecropping.html#.VTGqqJPsYZx
(November 7, 2013)
6: M. Langley Biegert, “Legacy of Resistance: Uncovering the History
of Collective Action by Black Agricultural Workers in Central East
Arkansas from the 1860s to the 1930s,” Journal of Social
History 32:1 (1998), pgs 76-77
7: Biegert, pg 73
8: Biegert, pg 79
9: Jarod Roll, "Out Yonder on the Road": Working Class
Self-Representation and the 1939 Roadside Demonstration in Southeast
Missouri, Southern Spaces,
http://www.southernspaces.org/2010/out-yonder-road-working-class-self-representation-and-1939-roadside-demonstration-southeast-mis#section3
(March 16, 2010)